How Karl Rove went from GOP mastermind to the right's political punching bag
Bush's brain once dreamed of a "durable Republican majority." He never dreamed he wouldn't be a part of it.
By Jon Terbush, December 24, 2013
A decade ago, Karl Rove was President George W. Bush's right-hand man and one of the most powerful political figures in America. And even after his fortunes briefly dipped at the end of the Bush era, Rove roared to life again, tapping into and fueling the Tea Party movement through his massive super PAC, American Crossroads.
But
today, with a GOP civil war raging between establishment types and
upstart conservatives in the mold of Texas Sen. Ted Cruz (R), Rove's
once-strong influence has begun to wane. An embodiment of the
Bush-era Republicans who have fallen out of favor of late, Rove, too,
has begun to come under fire from the populist right.
In
the latest sign of Rove's diminished standing, a dozen super PACs are
challenging his American Crossroads in the GOP money game, and aiming
to promote their own preferred candidates in races across the
country, according
to the New
York Times.
"Certainly
I think there's a level of frustration with the state of things in
D.C.," Randy Cubriel, a Texas lobbyist, told the Times.
See if you can read between the lines here: "I think a group
like ours, coming from the state, is probably a little more effective
than some of the national groups."
Crossroads
was widely criticized for not producing more victories in 2012
despite spending some $300 million. The group had dismal 16.7 percent
success rate in the last election, according
to OpenSecrets.
And
then there's this bizarre embodiment of Rove's slipping grasp: While
providing live election night analysis for Fox News, he refused to
concede that Ohio had gone for Obama and that, as a result, Romney
had lost the race.
Rove's
Crossroads spent nearly
$100 million just
to defeat Obama. That effort failed.
"He
has lost his mojo," a GOP strategist subsequently told
the Washington
Post of
Rove.
"He has become total spin, including spinning himself."
Then at the start of the new year, Rove quickly found himself on the wrong side of the Tea Party.
Then at the start of the new year, Rove quickly found himself on the wrong side of the Tea Party.
In
February, Rove launched the
Conservative Victory Project, a group whose explicit goal was finding
and aiding the most electable conservatives, while keeping fringe
candidates from blowing winnable general elections. It was a direct
response to the epic flameouts of candidates like Todd Akin — of
"legitimate rape" infamy — who almost certainly cost the
party several crucial seats in Congress.
Rove
said the group would ensure GOP money wasn't wasted on unelectable
candidates. But conservatives, furious and feeling marginalized,
pushed back, and hard. Rove, they felt, had exposed himself as
exactly the kind of establishment Republican they opposed: An
opportunist eager to get their votes without truly caring about their
grassroots goals.
"I
dare say any candidate who gets this group's support should be
targeted for destruction by the conservative movement," wrote Red
State's Erick
Erickson.
Conservative
radio personality Mark Levin challenged Rove to "bring
it on,"
while activist and ForAmerica chairman Brent Bozell accused Rove
of waging "gang warfare" on the Tea Party. In a March
letter to Crossroads donors, co-signed by other Tea Party groups,
Bozell wrote that
Rove should "stop blaming conservatives for his disastrous
results," and that he should "stop posturing himself as a
conservative: His record supporting wasteful government spending and
moderate candidates over conservatives spans decades."
So
began the great conservative money war of 2013.
Rove
pushed back against his critics on the right, but Crossroads
nevertheless went largely dormant for the remainder of the year, in
part because of an unexpected
dearth of funds.
Through the first half of 2011, Crossroads raised almost $4 million;
through the same period in 2013, it raised just $1.86 million.
Meanwhile,
other groups on the right have been spending big and making noise.
Most notably, organizations like the Senate Conservatives Fund have
picked fights with lawmakers, including party leaders, who have
committed such mild offenses as voting for cloture on a bill to end
the government shutdown.
Crossroads,
along with Rove's other ventures, will assuredly pour money into next
year's races. But this time, unlike years past, they'll have plenty
of competition from within their own party.
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